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Thursday 26 October 2017

IMF World Economic Outlook, October 2017


Poor wage growth and the hangover from the Great Depression.


Melbourne was very lucky to host this event – it usually only passes through Sydney and Canberra. The presentation was made by Dr Petia Topalova, a very accomplished economist and a great presenter. Dr Topalova was born in the former Yugoslavia, studied at Cambridge, and is now a published writer for the IMF in their Washington, DC. headquarters. Like I said, accomplished.
And this week she was in Australia delivering the IMF’s October 2017 World Economic Outlook. Clearly she’d made this presentation a few times, so it was largely committed to memory. But more importantly, she didn’t miss a single step during the Q&A. Every question was answered clearly and concisely, with no hesitation or uncertainty. The Doctor knew her stuff.
The focus of this presentation was the recent disconnect in advanced economies between economic growth and wage growth. We are starting to see, especially in the US but also in Australia and other advanced economies, economic growth pick up and unemployment rates fall. Economic theory would suggest that as this ‘slack’ is picked up, wages should start to recover also. But they aren’t. In fact, wage growth is still below pre-GFC rates. For the economists amongst us, this means the Phillips Curve is flattening. Why?
Well this recent phenomenon, largely occurring in advanced economies, is supposedly because of the modern proliferation of ‘involuntary part-time work’ – workers (particularly low to medium skill) who would like to work more hours but are restricted to part-time work. Not technically unemployed, but definitely underemployed.
Increasing use of temporary contracts is also part of this trend.
As to be expected, this results in workers have less bargaining power to demand greater wage growth – hence this modern disconnect between economic and wage recovery[1].
An important implication of this is for social safety nets. Modern social safety nets were largely designed after the Great Depression and WWII, when most workers were either full-time employed, or unemployed. And if you were unemployed, you qualified for these social safety nets.
Today, social safety nets need to adapt to increasing part-time work – workers who, while not technically unemployed, are underemployed and therefore, likely in need of greater support than a full-time employed worker, and greater support than current social safety nets are designed to provide.

A side note on Japan:
'Abenomics' (Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's strategy of monetary easing, fiscal stimulus and structural reform) seems to have provided a little boost in terms of some indicators. But inflation rates are still well below target. And their ageing demographic will continue to weigh on activity.
Japan really is a cautionary tale for the rest of the world. During a crisis, Central Banks and governments need to react quickly and strongly, lest inflationary expectations become so ingrained that, three decades later, active policy has virtually no discernible impact on the economy.
Greater openness to skilled immigration would also help.



[1] Note in commodity countries such as Australia, Canada and Norway, recent declines in commodity prices have also weighed on wage growth.
Interestingly, increasing automation was not a very significant force behind tepid wage growth – not since the early 2000s.

Globalisation requires cooperation

Especially during crises.



Economic multipliers are shrinking
Economists often use input-output modelling to measure the broader economic impacts of a single event. If, for example, a major $100 million construction project is announced, we can insert that $100m into the model, and it tells us how the effect of that construction activity would spread to the rest of the economy.
The difference between this broader impact and the initial construction injection is called the ‘multiplier’.
But in recent years, the assumed multiplier in input-output modelling has been falling, meaning that individual investments by industry and/or government are having smaller and smaller knock-on effects on the broader economy. Why?
Well one explanation lies within globalisation – specifically the globalisation of supply chains. Businesses no longer source all their inputs locally. They can buy machinery from Germany, parts from Bangladesh, technical expertise from the US, even one’s workforce can be sourced from interstate or overseas (just look at Australia’s mining and resources boom, where most of WA’s labour shortfalls were met with international labour, not labour from other states).
Consequently, even when money is invested in one area, it ‘leaks’, resulting in smaller and smaller general impacts in the location in which the investment was initially made.

Example – Geraldton
Western Australian regional city, Greater Geraldton, for example, suffers from significant economic ‘leakage’. A project Geografia undertook last year calculated total business ‘leakage’ alone of $1.24b, much of which was from the Manufacturing sector, but also Construction, Mining, Transport, postal and warehousing, and Rental, hiring and real estate services (Figure 1). Returning to our construction project above, $100m here would result in only a $31m direct economic impact and a $65m flow-on impact ($96m total – still smaller than the initial injection). Many of the benefits would be felt elsewhere. Consequently, the broader economic impact was only larger than the initial injection when you include the positive impacts outside Greater Geraldton.


Figure 1: Expenditure Leakage by Source, Greater Geraldton
Source: Geografia, 2016


Not surprisingly, Greater Geraldton residents spend a lot of money outside of Greater Geraldton. A small regional city (Greater Geraldton’s population was less than 40,000 at the 2016 Census) just does not have the goods and services available to meet local need.

Example – Casey
Outer metropolitan municipalities offer a variation on this theme. They are notorious for highly mobile labour forces and therefore, out-commuting. And as residents leave every day to work closer to the city centre, they spend a considerable proportion of their income outside of their home municipality.
Let’s take Casey in outer metropolitan Melbourne. With a population of 300,000 at the 2016 Census, Geografia used bank transaction data in their Spendmapp product to see they spent upwards of $250 million outside their own municipality just in the month of December 2016 (Figure 2). In addition to out-commuting, this may also be due to a lack of appropriate offerings within Casey. As per our construction example above, just $84m in total would be captured locally if the $100m project occurred in Casey.

Figure 2: Resident Expenditure Leakage, Casey
Source: Spendmapp, 2017


More leakage means smaller multipliers and less local impact
This kind of leakage has significant implications for the economic viability of investment projects. A local government is going to have a harder time justifying a project if they can’t demonstrate through input-output modelling that a large proportion of the benefits from such a project will remain in the local area.
There are also implications for economic recovery after crises. The standard Keynesian approach says that during a recession, fiscal multipliers are especially high and therefore, particularly effective at reviving a lagging economy. In the US, those multipliers have indeed been strong in recent years, justifying a stronger fiscal policy response to an economy that was, until recently, underperforming. But the US is an enormous economy, so their domestic supply chains are well-established and diverse, resulting in minimal economic ‘leakage’ and strong fiscal multipliers. But for smaller, internationally open economies such as Australia, fiscal policy may be less and less effective at kick-starting a slumping economy.
And this brings me to the solution – self-sustainability vs. cooperation.

Self-sustainability
In the case of Greater Geraldton, a significant amount of their ‘leakage’ could actually be clawed back (Geografia estimated about $259m of the $1.24b in business leakage). This can be done by identifying industries where the volume of leakage is so high, it demonstrates a large local market that could be used to entice (and support) a new business to invest locally. ‘Buy local’ policies could be used to support these businesses. Equally, population growth will help meet more of the local workforce needs. This increased self-sufficiency would help contain a much larger share of any investment directed at Greater Geraldton. Leakage would be minimised, and multipliers would be higher.
Entire nations have even greater potential to contain leakage by diversifying into more industries along their supply chains, thereby reducing reliance on imported inputs. Investment in education and training can also reduce reliance on foreign skilled labour.
Of course, this kind of self-sustainability is not always possible or advisable. Capital City CBDs for example, are major financial and business hubs – and should remain so. Trying to stimulate their economies by increasing the local resident population, thereby reducing the need to import labour from the rest of the city, will likely detract from its commercial advantages. Yes, it may retain more of its local resident expenditure, but this will reduce floorspace available for commercial use.
And even nationally, it is often not advisable for an economy to try to specialise in everything. Firstly, in a developed country such as Australia, where the private sector hasn’t already developed such activity, this would require the government to ‘pick winners’ – this ‘infant industry argument’ has been successful in the past (sometimes), but it’s a risky option.
Furthermore, often it is just better to import things that other countries are better at doing (like labour-intensive manufacturing from Bangladesh), rather than dedicating resources to an industry in which we will probably never reclaim our competitive advantage (and potentially taking resources away from our real advantages).

Cooperation
Consequently, if self-sufficiency is not possible or advisable, cooperation is needed. If Greater Geraldton needs an economic boost but ‘leakage’ is a concern, fiscal support from the State government is justified. This way, Geraldton benefits from added assistance, Perth will benefit, given many of Geraldton’s inputs would be sourced from Perth, and, in a lovely positive feedback loop, Perth would potentially buy more goods and services from Geraldton. So when a small area is susceptible to leakage, the broader area that benefits from this leakage should also assist.
Nationally, this requires global cooperation. During the post-GFC slump in the developed world, efforts by individual countries to stimulate their economies fiscally (if they existed) would have leaked somewhat, having less impact locally. But through international cooperation, nations could have coordinated their fiscal policy programs, with all nations benefitting from the leakage of other nations, via the modern world’s globalised supply chains.

The verdict
The solution, as is often the case, will require a balance. Places, big and small, should not become so overly specialised that they are vulnerable to external shocks, and virtually unaffected by local fiscal stimulus. But at the same time, the benefits of globalisation should not be unwound by attempting to become completely self-sufficient in areas of competitive/comparative disadvantage.
A global economy requires global cooperation.

Monday 2 October 2017

Immigration and Identity: The Economics of a Globalised World.

I went to an Economic Society of Australia event a few weeks ago - Immigration and Identity: The Economics of a Globalised World. The panel included Dr John Edwards (CEDA), Denise Ryan Costello (The Age), Professor John Langmore (formerly UN Division for Social Policy) and Dr. Jim Minifie (Grattan Institute). They encouraged live audience tweeting during the panel discussion. So here were a few of my thoughts:

What impact will global insular movements (Brexit, Trump) have on international immigration? Will underlying trends continue?

Could better public infrastructure investment also help better address Australia's two speed economy?

How could a universal basic income help, generally, but also in alleviating populist hostility towards immigration/globalisation?

How can Australia - a high cost country with only 24m people - justify its own car industry?

Did Australia avoiding the GFC help us avoid the subsequent populism unlike the US and Europe?

How will automation affect immigration? Less jobs required so less immigration?

As Keynes said, trade can turn an enemy into a business partner.

If WA taught us anything, save your big productive infrastructure investments for the downturn!

National identity should come from shared values - free speech, separation of church and state, equality for women and minorities.