The mining and resources boom drove migration
to WA over the last decade, particularly to Perth and particularly those of
South-East Asian and Sub-Saharan African ancestry.
The implications of this greater multiculturalism
are significant in terms of both government planning and private sector
opportunities.
Having
grown up in WA, it’s perhaps not surprising that the topic of this blog is WA
and its changing ethnic profile over the last 10 years.
THE BOOM OF
THE CENTURY AND THE DATA TO MEET IT
Specifically, the last 10 years in WA saw the largest boom in
Australia’s history in the mining and resources sector – upswing, peak,
downswing and trough, all contained in this decade. This boom saw a significant
level of interstate and international migration into WA. In fact, most of WA’s
skills shortfalls during the boom were actually met by international migration,
not interstate.
The boom peaked in 2012. It therefore was
almost perfect that we now have access to three relevant Census databases –
2006, 2011 and 2016 – where we can assess the ethnic mix of the WA population
before, during and after the boom. Did WA become more multicultural? How did
trends compare to the rest of Australia?
Interested? Read on.
THE MIGRATION
BOOM AND CRASH
As illustrated below, both interstate and international migration in WA
peaked in 2012: net interstate migration of 10,800 in 2012 was greater than any
other State or Territory. And net overseas migration peaked at 24% of Australia’s
total, compared to WA’s 11% share of Australia’s total population.
So WA was taking in a disproportionately large
amount of migrants during the boom.
And after the boom, we can see the opposite,
with WA losing a net 10,820 interstate migrants in 2016, and accounting for
just 7.1% of Australia’s net overseas migration.
WA Net
Interstate Migration, 1997-2016
ABS, 2017
WA Net
Overseas Migration, 2004-2015
ABS, 2017
WHERE WERE
THESE PEOPLE FROM?
Using basic Census data, we can break down WA’s population into
different ethnic groups over this decade, gaining insight into the composition
of the above overseas migration numbers.
For the sake of our analysis, I have split WA’s
population into two ethnic groups – traditional
ancestry (North-West European and Oceanian) and non-traditional ancestry (Asian, African, Middle Eastern, Southern
and Eastern European, and the Americas)[1].
Here were some of our key findings:
2006
|
2011
|
2016
|
|
METROPOLITAN PERTH
|
|||
Central Metro
|
25.8%
|
29.4%
|
32.5%
|
South East Metro
|
16.1%
|
21.2%
|
29.0%
|
North East Metro
|
17.1%
|
18.7%
|
22.3%
|
North West Metro
|
18.0%
|
20.1%
|
22.1%
|
South West Metro
|
16.2%
|
17.9%
|
20.7%
|
REGIONAL WA
| |||
Gascoyne
|
11.6%
|
12.0%
|
13.1%
|
Pilbara and Kimberley
|
8.8%
|
10.7%
|
12.6%
|
South West
|
9.3%
|
10.5%
|
11.4%
|
Goldfields-Esperance
|
8.5%
|
10.0%
|
11.1%
|
Peel
|
7.3%
|
8.8%
|
10.5%
|
Mid West
|
7.1%
|
8.3%
|
9.7%
|
Great Southern
|
7.5%
|
8.5%
|
9.5%
|
Wheatbelt
|
5.7%
|
6.7%
|
7.4%
|
Other
|
11.2%
|
12.1%
|
13.6%
|
Perth Metro
|
21.1%
|
23.9%
|
27.1%
|
Regional WA
|
8.1%
|
9.4%
|
10.6%
|
WA
|
17.7%
|
20.1%
|
23.0%
|
Share of
Non-Traditional Ancestry, by Sub-Region, 2016
ABS, 2017
Within
WA
From
2006-16, WA’s share of non-traditional ancestry increased from 17.7% to 23.0%.
Metropolitan
Perth had a greater share of non-traditional ancestry than regional WA, and
also appeared to absorb proportionally more of the growth. This is unsurprising
to suggest that migrants are more likely to locate to capital cities than the
regions.
The South
East Metropolitan sub-region (Armadale, Gosnells and Serpentine-Jarrahdale
LGAs) had the fastest growth in non-traditional ancestry, followed by the
Central sub-region. The Central sub-region is unsurprising, given the proximity
to employment opportunities, but the South East sub-region is more interesting
– possibly driven by the affordability of housing, and the new urban growth
corridors opening up within, while still being well connected to the CBD.
Sources
of migration
Of this
growth in non-traditional ancestry across WA, the strongest growth came from
China and India – almost 50,000 new ‘arrivals’ each since 2006,
accounting for almost a quarter of all those who identified as having
non-traditional ancestry. And combined with the Philippines (26,196 new
arrivals), Italy (20,918), South Africa (12,887) and Vietnam (9,880), this
accounts for over half of all those who identified as having non-traditional
ancestry in WA in 2016.
Compared
to the rest of Australia
Ancestry
Share of Population, WA vs. Rest of Australia, by Global Region, 2016
ABS, 2017
WA Share of Non-Traditional
|
Rest of Australia Share of
Non-Traditional
|
Gap vs. Rest of Australia
|
|||||||
2006
|
2011
|
2016
|
2006
|
2011
|
2016
|
2006
|
2011
|
2016
|
|
North-West European
|
50.1%
|
50.6%
|
49.7%
|
46.5%
|
48.3%
|
47.5%
|
3.6%
|
2.2%
|
2.2%
|
Oceanian
|
32.2%
|
29.3%
|
27.2%
|
33.2%
|
29.2%
|
27.1%
|
-1.1%
|
0.1%
|
0.1%
|
Southern and Eastern European
|
8.8%
|
8.4%
|
8.2%
|
9.7%
|
9.4%
|
9.2%
|
-0.9%
|
-1.1%
|
-1.0%
|
North-East Asian
|
2.7%
|
3.2%
|
3.9%
|
3.3%
|
3.9%
|
4.9%
|
-0.7%
|
-0.8%
|
-1.1%
|
Southern and Central Asian
|
1.6%
|
2.4%
|
3.7%
|
1.8%
|
2.8%
|
4.0%
|
-0.3%
|
-0.4%
|
-0.3%
|
South-East Asian
|
2.1%
|
2.8%
|
3.5%
|
2.1%
|
2.5%
|
3.1%
|
0.0%
|
0.2%
|
0.4%
|
Sub-Saharan African
|
1.2%
|
1.7%
|
1.9%
|
0.6%
|
0.7%
|
0.8%
|
0.6%
|
1.0%
|
1.1%
|
North African and Middle Eastern
|
0.7%
|
0.9%
|
1.1%
|
2.0%
|
2.2%
|
2.5%
|
-1.3%
|
-1.3%
|
-1.4%
|
Peoples of the Americas
|
0.8%
|
0.8%
|
0.9%
|
0.8%
|
0.9%
|
0.9%
|
0.0%
|
0.0%
|
-0.1%
|
Total
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
|
100%
| |||
Traditional Ancestry
|
82.3%
|
79.9%
|
76.9%
|
79.7%
|
77.6%
|
74.6%
|
2.5%
|
2.3%
|
2.3%
|
Non-Traditional Ancestry
|
17.7%
|
20.1%
|
23.1%
|
20.3%
|
22.4%
|
25.4%
|
-2.5%
|
-2.3%
|
-2.3%
|
WA’s
Shares of Non-Traditional Ancestry vs. Rest of Australia, by Global Region,
2006-2016
ABS, 2017
WA still
has a bias towards traditional ancestry – in absolute terms and compared to the
rest of Australia. Specifically, WA’s share of traditional ancestry was 2.3%
higher than the rest of Australia in 2016. However, this did represent a
decline from 2.5% in 2006 – a decline which had occurred entirely by 2011. This
makes sense, given the mining and resources boom peaked in 2012, so further
international migration into WA slowed (and even reversed) to 2016, thereby
leaving the traditional/non-traditional ancestry gaps virtually unchanged.
Furthermore,
the mining and resources boom arguably had the greatest positive impact on
attracting South-East Asian and Sub-Saharan African ancestries to WA, and on
retaining those of Oceanian ancestry relative to the rest of Australia[2].
Other non-traditional ancestries, while they did almost consistently grow in
share in WA, also grew in share in the rest of Australia, just as much if not
more. Southern and Central Asian for example, increased its share in WA by
2.1%, but by 2.2% in the rest of Australia, so is not solely attributable to
the mining and resources boom.
How many
speak English only?
The
following graph also illustrates this point, using a simpler comparison over a
longer time series. It shows how in WA and the rest of Australia, the
proportion of people who only speak English at home has fallen. There remains a
gap where WA is lagging the rest of Australia. In fact, the gap actually
widened in the 10 years to 2006. But the course of the mining and resources boom reversed this
trend in WA, reducing the gap below its 1996 level.
Share of
Population that Speaks English Only, WA vs. Rest of Australia, 1996-2016
ABS, 2017
DID MINING
DRIVE MULTICULTURALISM IN WA?
So WA did
become a more multicultural society over the course of the mining and resources
boom. But this growth in non-traditional ancestries seems to be a national
phenomenon (even if WA did accelerate ahead in the last decade), with only
certain ancestries (South-East Asian and Sub-Saharan African) being
specifically attributable to the mining and resources boom. WA’s proximity to
South-East Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa compared to the rest of Australia no
doubt also played a role in the growth of these numbers.
Such
revelations reinforce the importance of big data. Ideally, the Census would
also occur far more frequently, to create a more insightful time series rather
than just a snapshot in time once every five years. The implications can be
truly significant – not just for public policy in terms of accommodating
it with appropriate land use strategies and development, but also for the
private sector in terms of capitalising on it. As WA (particularly
Perth) becomes more and more like the cosmopolitan cities of Melbourne and
Sydney, demands for different goods and services will also change, including
food, fashion and festivals.
So the
ability to use data to not just observe but also predict such trends represents
a significant business opportunity for many players.
[1] These classifications are not a
value judgement, merely a categorisation of the most and least common
ancestries in WA and Australia.
Note,
these classifications are based on the global regions as a whole. So, for
example, while I have classified Southern and Eastern European as
non-traditional ancestry, individual countries within such as Italy, accounting
for 3.9% of WA’s population, could be considered traditional. Similarly, I have
classified Oceanian as traditional, but New Zealand within only accounts for
1.0% of WA’s ancestry.
Therefore,
there is scope to reclassify some of these countries, but I do not believe the
key findings will be greatly affected.
[2] Even though Oceanian ancestry shares
declined in WA, they declined faster in the rest of Australia, suggesting that
the mining and resources boom had an impact on retaining them somewhat in WA.
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