Trade wars are bad, mkay? But if you happen to find yourself
in one (or were stupid enough to start one yourself), you at least need to get
a couple of things right.
And Trump has messed up both, as beautifully explored by
Catherine Rampell in her recent article (Trump is waging a trade war in the dumbest way possible),
reproduced below.
While it is estimated that Trump’s tariffs on steel and aluminium
may save 26,280 steel and aluminium-producing jobs in the US, these commodities
are also key inputs in other sectors, including the car industry. Consequently,
432,747 jobs are estimated to be lost because of these higher import prices. That’s
a job loss-to-gain ratio of worse than 16:1! As Rampell previously noted, “even
19th century Mercantilists knew to put tariffs on finished goods,
not inputs.”
And overlooking the fact (though you absolutely shouldn’t) that
Trump isn’t launching a trade war against the US’s adversaries – he’s launching
it against the very Western alliances that created the post-WWII world order – the
rest of the world (including key strategic allies the EU and Canada) has proven
itself far better at this game than Trump.
The key in a trade war is to attack the areas that are
especially important to your adversary, but less important to you – an adversary’s
key strategic industry that you can easily replace with imports from another
country, or your own production.
But Trump’s tariffs are essentially global, and US-made
steel and aluminium is not a perfect substitute for that which is imported.
This leaves US producers with little alternative but to pay higher prices for
steel and aluminium. And because the US imports steel and aluminium from many
countries, the cost to those countries is spread relatively thinly.
So Trump neglected this point. But the rest of the world
didn’t. They are retaliating with their own tariffs on Kentucky bourbon, Iowa
pork, Wisconsin motorcycles, and Ohio washing machines, among others. These are
all key exports for these states – all of whom voted for Trump in the 2016
election. The rest of the world is expertly attacking Trump’s own base, while
leaving itself plenty of other potential suppliers of these (or similar) products.
Trump’s strategy on the other hand, is essentially “give me all your money or
I’ll shoot myself in the foot” (Rampell).
I suppose we shouldn’t be surprised that someone who doesn’t
even know not to start a trade war, also doesn’t know how to properly fight
one.
“Trump is
waging a trade war in the dumbest way possible
By Catherine
Rampell
President Trump says we need to be “smarter” in how
we deal with other countries. And yet his approach to extracting concessions
from our trading partners has proved very, very dumb.
Notwithstanding Trump’s Twitter declarations, trade
wars are neither good nor easy to win. In a trade war, every side loses,
experiencing lost jobs, crippled businesses and higher prices for consumers. We
learned that the last time we had a full-blown global trade war — in the 1930s
after Congress passed sweeping tariffs that exacerbated the Great Depression.
Even so, it’s possible for some countries in a trade
war to lose more than others. And that’s the position Trump is leaving the
United States in, by taking perhaps the worst possible approach to economically
bullying other countries.
Most of the time when a U.S. president takes an
aggressive new trade action, it’s a tariff that targets a specific country or
narrow set of countries. There’s good reason for this: Again, most of the time,
these actions are in response to an act of alleged foul play.
Yet another reason to slap tariffs only on imports
from selected countries is to limit the pain to U.S. businesses and consumers
that purchase those products. We want to make sure we have alternative
suppliers available when the imports from one misbehaving country suddenly get
pricier.
Again, that’s how we usually think about trade
measures. It’s not what happened this time around with steel and aluminium
tariffs, however.
Using a rarely invoked authority designed to protect
“national security,” Trump has imposed a global tariff on steel and aluminium.
Because it’s a global tariff on a commodity supplied
by dozens of countries, each of those other countries is taking a hit. But the
hit is relatively small compared to the one we’re experiencing — the one we’ve
inflicted on ourselves.
After all, we can’t easily shift supply around to
limit U.S. business and consumer pain if we’re slapping tariffs on steel and
aluminium produced by almost everyone. And while we do produce these metals
here, the exact mix of products that, say, U.S. steel mills make is not
identical to the mix of steel products we import. Which means factories here
can’t easily convert and scale up their production to meet market demand even
if they do have idle capacity.
Unsurprisingly, this has major consequences for the
many American firms that purchase steel and aluminium, and that are now less
competitive because their costs have skyrocketed.
U.S. steel prices have risen nearly 40 percent since
the start of the year, and are now more than 50 percent higher than in both
Europe and China, according to the S&P Global Platts benchmark price
assessment for hot-rolled coil, the bellwether product.
But that’s not the only reason these tariffs are
going to hurt us a lot more than they hurt everyone else. The bigger problem is
how other countries, including our friends and military allies, are responding
to our protectionist measures.
Collectively Canada, the European Union, Mexico,
Russia, India, Japan and Turkey have already announced $40 billion worth of
retaliatory tariffs on U.S.-made products. The scale of these retaliatory
tariffs isn’t what’s most concerning; it’s the composition. These other
countries have been far more strategic about which U.S. products they choose to
target than we apparently were in launching this trade war.
That is, their counterpunches are likely to draw more
blood than our sloppy opening gambit.
Why? First, these other countries have tried to pick
and choose products that their businesses and consumers can easily obtain
elsewhere. In fact, when the E.U. recently revised its list of U.S. products
subject to retaliation, it decided to remove some items for which non-American
close substitutes apparently weren’t available, as the Economist’s Soumaya
Keynes pointed out.
Even worse for Trump, these angry countries are
choosing products with political sensitivities in mind. Hence the appearance of
Kentucky-made bourbon, Iowa-farmed pork, Wisconsin-manufactured motorcycles and
Ohio-made washing machines on these lists.
In short: Our trading partners have fine-tuned the
art of minimizing their own pain — and maximizing ours.
Trump clearly believes he’s being “tough” with these
other countries, and protecting American jobs, with his ineptly-designed
tariffs. In fact, he’s putting many more jobs in other industries at risk. A
report released this week by the Trade Partnership, a consulting and research
firm, estimated that the ratio of jobs lost to jobs gained from Trump’s trade
actions will be about 16 to 1: 26,280 steel and aluminium jobs gained, compared
with 432,747 jobs eliminated throughout the rest of the economy.
And that’s presumably not even counting any of the
hundreds of jobs now held by Trump’s fellow Republicans on Capitol Hill.”
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