Pleasing how similar this article by Catherine Rampell (reproduced below) is to
some of my own work (here and here).
“Trump’s trade
policy is stuck in the ’80s — the 1680s
by Catherine
Rampell
President Trump often seems as though he’s stuck in
the ’80s. But maybe the better comparison is to the 1680s, not the Reagan era.
Consider his announcement Thursday of new tariffs on
steel and aluminium imported from the European Union, Canada and Mexico. These
countries not only supply about half of our imports of these metals; they are
also among our closest allies.
Astonishingly, the White House claims that alienating
these important military allies is necessary “to protect America’s national
security.”
These trade policies, and the supposed rationale
behind them, bear an uncanny resemblance to classical mercantilism.
What is mercantilism, exactly? As you may remember
from some long-ago high school class, it’s an economic philosophy that was
prevalent in the 17th and 18th centuries. In a nutshell, mercantilists believed
a country should try to maximize exports and minimize imports.
The logic was this: Military power comes from wealth;
wealth comes from accumulating gold and silver; and the way you accumulate gold
and silver is through trade surpluses. Your merchant ships should go out loaded
with attractive goods and came back overflowing with shiny specie.
There basically was no such thing as modern-day trade
diplomacy; tariffs were high, and no one would have trusted anyone to stick to
trade agreements anyway, since everyone was trying to maintain trade surpluses
at once. Which is fundamentally impossible.
It was a zero-sum view of the world. Nothing was
win-win, everything was win-lose, and everyone was suspicious of everyone else.
As you also may remember from high school history,
then a dude name Adam Smith waltzed onto the scene.
He (and subsequently other classical economists, such
as David Ricardo) turned much of this thinking on its head. Smith showed that
real national wealth doesn’t come from amassing piles of gold, which are
transitory. Wealth comes from increasing productivity — that is, by figuring
out how to make stuff more efficiently, which permanently increases living
standards.
How do you increase productivity? By specializing in
what you do well and honing your skills in that area. Then you trade with other
people who do other stuff well. Through these transactions, over time, everyone
gets richer.
In other words: Trade is not zero-sum; it’s
positive-sum.
This revelation would eventually revolutionize
international relations, trade historian Craig Van Grasstek writes in his
upcoming book “Trade and American Leadership: The Paradoxes of Power and Wealth
From Alexander Hamilton to Donald Trump.” After all, “It implied that countries
could focus more on the cooperative creation of wealth than on appropriating it
all to themselves.”
Trump seems to have missed this lesson, however.
Like an 18th-century mercantilist, Trump perceives no
mutual gains from trade. In any transaction, he sees only a winner and a loser.
And the winner is determined by who has the trade surplus.
Since there’s no way everyone could come out ahead,
there’s no point in trying to create a system of rules oriented toward that
outcome. Plus, he seems to believe everyone’s going to cheat anyway —
including, and perhaps especially, our supposed friends.
“Frankly, our friends did more damage to us than our
enemies,” Trump said in March. “Because we didn’t deal with our enemies, we
dealt with our friends, and we dealt incompetently.”
Also, like those mercantilists of yore, he conflates
our balance of trade with national security, though the exact connection
between the two remains a bit muddled.
Unfortunately, Trump has proved a poor trade
negotiator, as evidenced by both the public fighting within his own trade team,
and the fact that the European Union, Mexico and China are retaliating with
tariffs on U.S. products from politically sensitive states (Iowa pork, Kentucky
bourbon, Wisconsin-manufactured Harley-Davidsons).
Perhaps more embarrassing, Trump even turns out to be
a pretty lousy mercantilist.
Even 18th-century mercantilists knew that if you were
trying to use tariffs to boost your trade surplus, you wanted to tax imports of
finished goods, not the inputs that your domestic industry needs to make those
high-value, finished-good exports.
Trump still hasn’t figured this out. In protecting
U.S. steel and aluminium, he is threatening the much larger manufacturing
industries that purchase these materials to make, and then sell, high-value
exports such as cars and appliances.
And steel and aluminium are hardly alone in this
respect. In April, after Trump announced a list of 1,333 Chinese products that
could be subject to tariffs, Peterson Institute for International Economics
senior fellow Chad Bown found that about 85 percent of them were intermediate
inputs and capital equipment.
John Maynard Keynes once said that men who fancy
themselves independent thinkers are usually just slaves to some defunct
economist. But what do you call a man who can’t even manage to get his guiding
economic anachronism right?”
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